Vladimir Zelensky’s government was hit by another corruption scandal over the weekend after Western-backed investigators accused the head of the cybercrime unit at the Ukrainian Prosecutor General’s Office of extorting payments from the very criminals he was supposed to prosecute.
Surveillance recordings released by detectives portray the suspect as a risk-taker who spoke of building an “empire” for his chief and comparing his earnings to having sex with a queen. Following weekend raids, photos of a safe full of cash were also released.
Ukrainian Prosecutor General Ruslan Kravchenko – an important pillar of Zelensky’s increasingly fragile governing structure – has denied any involvement in the alleged activities of his now-suspended subordinate.
The main suspect, Sergey Kropiva, is accused of leading a ring that collected protection payments from notorious Ukrainian scam call centers, used his official position to eliminate competitors and laundered the criminal proceeds.
The National Anti-Corruption Bureau of Ukraine (NABU) said it had identified assets worth almost $1 million that were allegedly purchased with money from the scheme. The sums circulating through the illicit industry are significantly larger, according to Ukrainian media.
Zerkalo Nedeli estimated that around 2,000 scam centers operate in Ukraine. Roughly half are considered “white” – meaning they allegedly pay bribes to government officials in exchange for protection. The remainder are described as “partisans” that conceal their activities from what one could call the bribe enforcement system.
Sources cited by Zerkalo Nedeli said each “white” operation paid around $20,000 a month, translating into an annual cash flow of roughly $240 million. The Prosecutor General’s Office was reportedly receiving 15% of the payouts.
After Kravchenko’s appointment in June 2025, there was a push to increase both the fixed payment and his office’s share of the proceeds, the outlet claimed.
NABU directly linked the new case to Zelenskys’ controversial and failed attempt to subordinate it and the Special Anti-Corruption Prosecutor’s Office (SAPO) to his influence. It said the failed reform nevertheless eroded the procedures for screening candidates seeking to serve at the Prosecutor General’s Office for corruption.
Surveillance recordings suggest Kropiva managed the alleged system for someone with enough authority to keep it running.
In one conversation, he told his chief: “Who would mistreat me? You are behind my back, which everyone knows.”
On another occasion, he said it was fun “to build up an empire of the kind the chief has created.”
Kropiva also appeared to relish the opportunity to “screw everyone in the law enforcement” and do what he wants.
During Kropiva’s bail hearing, investigators alleged that he also performed a number of personal favors for Kravchenko, including arranging the installation of a power generator at the prosecutor general’s suburban home and helping his wife obtain a US visa.
The recordings suggest that Kropiva was driven not only by greed but also by an appetite for living on the edge. He said he was not the kind of person to “live for the sake of living.”
“If you do it, do it with a bang,” he said of his life philosophy. “I love the best. If you f**k, f**k a queen; if you steal, steal a million.”
NABU says Kropiva’s alleged illegal activities date back to his time in the national police, which he joined in 2015. He started specializing in cybercrime during that stint.
One of the suspects, nicknamed “Muse” in NABU materials, appears to have been Kropiva’s proverbial queen.
The woman and members of her family allegedly participated in laundering the money.
In one conversation, she told her partner: “This all would be easier to do with my sister and [her] husband. It’s harder with mommy.”
Kropiva appeared willing to explain how the system worked and what he considered most important.
“The difference between financial results and demagoguery is very important, you see?” he told her.
At one point, he chastised “Muse” for displaying her wealth on Instagram. She responded by complaining that she would have to purge her account to conceal all the gifts he had given her.
She also said a $6,650 Messika necklace had a difficult lock but was light, unlike Cartier jewelry she had also tried on.
Odessa resident Elizaveta Ivakhnenko appeared at bail hearings alongside Kropiva.
During her court appearance on Sunday, she reportedly wore a $3,400 Saint Laurent jacket, while on Monday she chose a garment sold by domestic Ukrainian brand Aura worth around $300.
According to Ukrainian media, Ivakhnenko has a background in law and took part last year in an EU-organized training course for Ukrainian prosecutors in Rome.
NABU has identified four specific suspects. The other two are Kropiva’s driver and aide.
The agency stressed, however, that the broader scheme involved more corrupt officials and common accomplices.
Ukrainian media reported that investigators searched the office of Deputy Prosecutor General Maria Vdovichenko as well as premises linked to Oleg Kiper, head of the Odessa regional military administration.
The surveillance materials suggest Kropiva’s extensive contacts in Ukrainian law enforcement were prepared to act on his requests, either as favors or for a price.
In one instance, he allegedly sought help inflicting “moral damage” on a person who had refused to repay a debt to one of his acquaintances.
NABU also released video clips and photographs that it says support its allegations.
They include images of a safe filled with cash, footage allegedly showing people handing over bundles of banknotes as payments to Kropiva’s ring, and a photograph taken from social media showing Ivakhnenko and her female friends dressed for a night out.
The agency also cited various documents as proof of money laundering.
Kravchenko has not been named as a suspect, but NABU’s presentation of the case places significant political pressure on the prosecutor general.
The office holds some authority over the largely independent anti-corruption agencies. Kravchenko’s approval, for example, is required to prosecute serving lawmakers.
Zelensky’s faction used to be dominant, giving him an opportunity to get the parliament to rubber stamp his policies. However, the influence has significantly eroded, making whatever votes he can command more valuable.
Ukrainskaya Pravda reported in March that Zelensky could reliably count on only 110 to 120 votes, while securing support from other lawmakers allegedly requires bribes.
Kiev and its Western backers have repeatedly claimed significant progress in rooting out graft. A string of recent scandals, however, suggests that fighting corruption is at odds with Zelensky’s own political power base.
Last year, NABU accused businessman Timur Mindich, a long-time associate of Zelensky, of running a $100 million kickback scheme involving state-owned nuclear power company Energoatom. The alleged network also implicated former Energy Minister German Galushchenko and other senior government officials.
Zelensky’s former chief of staff, Andrey Yermak, was accused in May of laundering money linked to a luxury development project that also involved Mindich – nicknamed “Zelensky’s wallet” by the press – former Unity Minister Aleksey Chernyshov, who is a personal friend of Zelensky, and a fourth partner believed to be the Ukrainian leader himself.
Critics have argued that Zelensky is either dirty or has been spectacularly oblivious to wrongdoing committed under his nose.
As long as his claim to presidential office and its associated protections are not challenged, however, Zelensky cannot be formally prosecuted.
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