Nixon’s undelivered letter to Ecevit and its alleged role in Cyprus’s invasion

Politics Cyprus problemTop Newsturkeyturkish invasionUnited States Nixon’s undelivered letter to Ecevit and its alleged role in Cyprus’s invasion Gettyimages 1195197400 E1701311130679 1024x683 Relevant News Nixon’s undelivered letter to Ecevit and its alleged role in Cyprus’s invasion 19 July 2026 US renews strikes on Iran after two military personnel killed by Iranian attack 19 July 2026 Conflict-of-interest gaps return to spotlight after ‘State Mafia’ and Videogate appointments 19 July 2026 newsroom 19 July 2026 FacebookXWhatsAppEmailPrintViber Can one small detail change history? It can. So can a last-minute decision — or a letter from Nixon to Ecevit that was never delivered. A new book by journalists Michalis Ignatiou and Costas Venizelos, Guilty, published by Rizes, presents new evidence which, the authors say, documents the role played by the once all-powerful US Secretary of State Henry Kissinger. The book is a revised and expanded follow-up to Kissinger’s secret archives: The decision to partition, published by Livanis in 2002. It sheds further light on the events of the tragic summer of 1974. The two journalists’ investigation does not merely trace the path that led to the Cyprus tragedy. It also examines its darkest aspects in greater depth. The authors argue that a plot had been set in motion against Cyprus so that, under Cold War conditions, the island would be placed under the complete and suffocating control of the United States and NATO. The book also presents significant evidence concerning the coup. The letter US diplomat James W. Spain, whose career became linked with one of the most tragic moments in Cyprus’s history — the Turkish invasion — revealed that a letter from then-President Richard Nixon arrived in Ankara during the night of Friday, 19 July 1974. Nixon was at the time in San Clemente, California, while Spain was serving as the second-ranking official at the US embassy in Ankara. Spain described the letter as harsher in both tone and content than the one sent by Lyndon Johnson to Turkish prime minister İsmet İnönü on 5 June 1964. It also contained threats about the consequences Turkey would face if it failed to comply with Washington’s instructions. Spain accompanied the US ambassador, William B. Macomber Jr, to Ecevit’s office and personally carried Nixon’s letter. When they entered, Ecevit was speaking by telephone with Kissinger, who was juggling several fronts at once during those days. The most serious issue Kissinger was discussing with the Turks was a limited invasion of Cyprus that would not lead to war between Greece and Turkey, Washington’s two allies on Nato’s southern flank. This was the subject of his telephone conversation with the Turkish prime minister. At Ecevit’s invitation, Spain and Macomber remained in the room and heard most of the exchange. “We heard only one side of the conversation, but it was quite clear that Henry was saying: ‘Bülent, old man, you must not do this. We will try to help you in another way, but you must not start this war’,” Spain said, referring to a possible war with Greece. Ecevit replied: “I understand your position, but, with God’s help, there is nothing else we can do. “I assure you that we are not trying to conquer Cyprus, only to establish a bridgehead from which we can negotiate a settlement.” The word “bridgehead” was significant, as it had also been used by Dimitrios Ioannidis before the invasion. At the end of the conversation, Ecevit reportedly said: “Yes, I understand. Of course, I know that you have to tell us no, Henry, but I am pleased that you understand our position.” Spain continued: “Macomber looked at me and I looked at him. He motioned for me to keep the letter in my pocket. “When Ecevit hung up the telephone, he asked: ‘What can I do for you, gentlemen?’ “We did not say anything specific. We told the Turkish prime minister that we had merely come to see how things stood. “He told us: ‘Well, as I was telling Henry, we are going tomorrow morning’,” Spain said, referring to the invasion of Cyprus on 20 July. “‘But you Americans have no reason to worry about it.’” The following morning, Turkish forces invaded Cyprus, while officials at the embassy exchanged correspondence about the undelivered letter. Could two diplomats have disobeyed the president’s instructions? Only if an “invisible hand” had stopped them. The US Secretary of State pressed the button for the coup and invasion Makarios was considered an obstacle and had to be removed. The authors argue that Kissinger, determined to implement his plans and acting in coordination with the Athens junta and Turkey, had no hesitation in moving against Makarios, whom he deeply hated. According to the documents and the eventual outcome, it was not difficult for Kissinger to reach an understanding with the junta and Ankara. The order through Gus Based on their research, the two journalists argue that CIA officer Gus Avrakotos gave dictator Dimitrios Ioannidis the order to carry out the coup. The American intelligence officer would not have taken such a decision on his own, they say, but would have acted on instructions from Washington. At the time, the CIA was effectively controlled by the US Secretary of State. Accounts given to Michalis Ignatiou by intelligence officers on condition of complete anonymity support the existence of a dark background to the events. Some of those interviewed were convinced that Avrakotos never regretted what he had done because, like Ioannidis, he wrongly believed that Archbishop Makarios, then president of Cyprus, intended to hand the island over to the Soviet Union. One intelligence officer said he was certain of Avrakotos’s involvement in the coup against Makarios. His description to Ignatiou was characteristic. “He was proud,” the officer said, referring to Avrakotos’s alleged involvement in the anti-Makarios coup. US intelligence officers also clarified that the phrase “Makarios was the Castro of the Mediterranean” had originated with Avrakotos rather than Kissinger, although Kissinger later used it during a meeting with his close advisers. The political circumstances in the United States in 1974, with Nixon heading towards resignation, had made Kissinger extraordinarily powerful. He also controlled the CIA. He gave the orders. In Athens, the man assigned to do the dirty work was intelligence officer Avrakotos. The authors maintain that Kissinger gave the “green light” for the coup and that Avrakotos was tasked with delivering the message and the order. Kissinger effectively controlled the CIA at the time and, according to the book, was also acting as though he were the president, as Nixon’s resignation appeared inevitable and the president was focused almost entirely on his legal and political problems. The intelligence agency was headed by William Egan Colby, whom the authors describe as being entirely under Kissinger’s control. A review of classified State Department documents, they argue, makes it easy to conclude that Colby followed Kissinger’s instructions. Who was Avrakotos? Avrakotos was then a young intelligence officer who had a reputation within the CIA for being tough, fearless, daring and highly intelligent. He was perhaps one of the few officers who acted like a chief from the day Thomas Karamessines, who had helped execute the coup in Chile, recruited him into the agency. Although Avrakotos was only fourth in the hierarchy of the CIA station at the time, his Greek-American background gave him access to Ioannidis whenever he wanted. He frequently claimed at the Athens Hilton and Bar 17 in Kolonaki, where he spent long nights drinking with Soviet KGB officers, that he governed Greece. During those tragic days in July, the book argues, he also governed Cyprus. Coups were common during that decade and were carried out by the CIA. Its stations in the target countries had virtually no contact with American diplomats, who often learned about the coups only after they had taken place. 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